Ka-Zar #8
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Writer: Mark Waid
Pencils: Andy Kubert
Inks: Jesse Delperdang
Parnival enacts his master plan.
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Writer: Mark Waid
Pencils: Andy Kubert
Inks: Jesse Delperdang
Parnival enacts his master plan.
( Read more... )
Writer: J.M. DeMatteis
Pencils: Luke McDonnell
Inks: Bob Smith
The President has shut down the Justice League due to mounting pressure from Glorious Godfrey and his cronies.
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July 24, 2025
READ: Esther 4:10-16
Who knows but that you have come to your royal position for such a time as this? Esther 4:14
A nursing convention was being held at a hotel when a guest experienced a heart attack in the lobby. Immediately, more than two dozen caregivers came to his side and worked to keep him alive. The guest was incredibly grateful for all the nurses who were at the right place at the right time.
Esther was also at the right place at the right time. She’d been chosen to be queen after winning the king’s favor and approval (Esther 2:17). Yet a decree threatened her people, the Jews, so her cousin Mordecai encouraged her to use her position to appeal to the king to save them from certain death. “Who knows but that you have come to your royal position for such a time as this?” he challenged her (4:14). Her decision to risk her life and “go to the king” (v. 16) to expose this evil plot saved the Jews from certain death (ch. 8). It’s apparent that Queen Esther understood that God had placed her in that position at just the right time.
Sometimes, we may wonder why situations happen or circumstances change. Perhaps we get frustrated and try to get things “back to normal.” God may have placed us in our current situation for a specific purpose. Today, as we encounter disruptions or changes, let’s ask God to show us if there’s something special He wants us to do as part of His perfect plan.
— Brent Hackett
What disruptions have you had lately? What opportunities might God be presenting to you in them?
Dear Father, when I get frustrated with change, please help me see the bigger picture and understand that You may be doing something in and through me.
Source: Our Daily Bread
The rest of this review is under the cut, given the nature of the content.
( Read more... )South Asia is experiencing anxieties about the place of religion in politics
Originally published on Global Voices
Secular India. Seen at Parry's corner, Chennai. Image via Flickr by Suresh Eswaran. CC BY-NC-Nd 2.0.
Bangladesh, a South Asian country of over 170 million people, is grappling with controversial proposed constitutional reforms following the long rule of a transformed authoritarian government and the 2024 July revolution. The reforms have been proposed ostensibly to undo the damage caused by decades of shrinking civic spaces, weakened democratic institutions, and allegations of electoral manipulation.
As Bangladesh debates large-scale constitutional reform, one issue in particular is beginning to echo a parallel debate taking place across the border in India. Two words are at the centre of this debate — “socialist” and “secular”. The word “socialist” appears only once in the Indian constitution and twice in the Bangladesh constitution. “secular” occurs twice in the Indian constitution and “secularism” thrice in the Bangladesh constitution.
Given the epic novel-length of both Constitutions, a debate over these words may seem like much ado about nothing. Yet, the discussion over the word “secular” highlights the deep divisions in both societies about the place of religion in politics.
In India, the demand to do away with the words “socialist” and “secular” has largely come from the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its affiliates, collectively referred to as the “Sangh Parivar”. This aligns with their vision of India as a “Hindu nation”, advocating for a government that prioritizes the interests of the Hindu majority over others.
In Bangladesh, the debate over the role of religion in politics also has deep historical roots. However, the most recent call to remove the words “socialism” and “secularism” has come from the Constitution Reform Commission established under the current Interim government. The commission has proposed an entirely new preamble to the Constitution, omitting these words. Rather, they recommend that the guiding principles of the Constitution should be “equality, human dignity, and social justice”.
This article explores why the term “secular” or “secularism” in the constitution has become a source of significant controversy in both India and Bangladesh, and why the debates are both more complex and more nuanced than they seem.
The words “socialist” and “secular” were added to the Indian Constitution through the 42nd Amendment in 1976, during the rule of the Indian National Congress party under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. These terms were inserted into the Preamble of the Indian Constitution, which originally described India as a “sovereign democratic republic”. Following the amendment, the Preamble defined India as a “sovereign socialist secular democratic republic”.
Similarly, the terms “socialism” and “secularism”, originally two of the four founding principles of the 1972 constitution, were restored to the Bangladesh Constitution through the 15th Amendment in 2011 during the Awami League regime. Like the Indian constitution, they were added to the preamble, though in a slightly different form. A whole new paragraph was added to the preamble, declaring that the “high ideals” of nationalism, socialism, democracy and secularism, would constitute the “fundamental principles of the Constitution”. The 15th Amendment also clarified the meaning of secularism in the Bangladeshi context, particularly in relation to individual rights.
However, introducing these words in the preamble did not, by itself, alter the fundamental character of either Constitution. India was always envisioned as a secular republic, which protected the right of all citizens to practice their religion freely and prohibited discrimination on the basis of religion. The Indian state had no “official” religion, and the assumption of India's constitution makers was that the “secular” nature of India’s constitution is so obvious that it did not need to be explicitly stated in the document.
For more information about this campaign please go here.
The 42nd Amendment is arguably the most controversial amendment in the history of the Indian Constitution for two primary reasons. First, it effectively rewrote large parts of the Constitution to serve the political interests of the Indian National Congress under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. The changes were so sweeping that when the Congress was voted out of power in 1977, the newly elected Janata Party government passed the 43rd and 44th Amendments to repeal many of the provisions introduced by the 42nd. Over time, Indian courts have also struck down parts of the 42nd Amendment that sought to curtail the judiciary’s power of review.
Second, the amendment was passed at the height of India’s “Emergency” when civil liberties were suspended and most opposition leaders were imprisoned. Ostensibly imposed to protect India from “internal disturbances”, the Emergency is now widely perceived as an effort by the Congress to cling to power amidst diminishing support after the courts had disqualified Prime Minister Indira Gandhi for electoral malpractice. The widespread human rights violations and repressive measures taken by the ruling regime in the name of “law and order” and “population control” contributed significantly to the Congress Party’s defeat in the 1977 general elections.
The introduction of the word “secular” into the Indian Constitution's Preamble, therefore, carries the taint of Emergency era authoritarianism. This historical context has enabled the BJP and the Sangh Parivar to claim, albeit without basis, that “secularism” was never a feature of India’s Constitution. In reality, India’s Constitution has always been secular in character. In 1994, the Supreme Court of India reaffirmed this position by ruling that “secularism” is a basic feature of the Constitution that cannot be amended out of existence.
Bangladesh’s relationship with the word “secular” has been equally complex. While the country's original 1972 constitution committed to secularism as one of its core principles, this was gradually dismantled following political upheaval. The term secular was removed from the Constitution in 1977 after a military coup, and in 1988, Islam was declared the state religion.
In 2010, the term secularism was restored through a Supreme Court ruling, without fundamentally changing the place of Islam as the State religion. A year later, the 15th Amendment confirmed this in the Constitution while simultaneously confirming Islam as the state religion under Article 2A.
Even as secularism was restored in principle, the 15th Amendment also declared that non-Muslims would enjoy equal status with Muslims and retain the freedom to practice their religions. However, much like India’s 42nd Amendment, Bangladesh’s 15th Amendment arguably carries the taint of the Awami League’s decade-long authoritarian policies under Sheikh Hasina.
The Constitution Review Commission’s recommendations may be seen as an attempt to strike a middle ground between the conflicting ideas of what Bangladesh should be. While the proposals acknowledge the country’s pluralistic, multi-ethnic character and advocate for a secular state, without saying it explicitly, they stop short of recommending the removal of Islam as the state religion. This stands in contrast to Nepal, which formally abolished Hinduism as the state religion following the overthrow of its monarchy in 2007.
India and Bangladesh share much in common — geography (the rivers Ganga and the Brahmaputra), history (from the Mughal era to colonial India and eventually to independence and partition), culture (notably the Bengali language), and a sports monoculture (cricket). To this list, perhaps one might now add a shared anxiety about the place of religion in politics.
When young Kenyans raise basic demands about jobs and taxes, the state responds with louder gunfire.
Originally published on Global Voices
Screenshot of protesters, from YouTube video, ‘Inside Kenya’s Blacked Out Protest And The Truth Ruto’s Government Tried to Erase Today | LNN’ by Lynn Ngugi. Fair use.
By Johnmark Odoyo
In Nairobi’s crowded Kangemi settlement, a threadbare Kenyan flag lies across the still-bleeding body of a teenager killed during the July 7 Saba Saba marches, as tear gas drifts through the dusty air and police blast water cannons down the narrow alley. Saba Saba, Swahili for “seven seven,” marks the July 7, 1990, demonstrations that forced Kenya’s path to multi-party democracy, and every anniversary since has become a litmus test of the state’s tolerance for dissent.
This year’s test was the deadliest yet. That scene played out across at least 17 counties in Kenya, leaving 31 people dead and more than 100 wounded, according to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights (KNCHR). This was the most violent day of protest since unrest first erupted in the country with the introduction of a controversial finance bill in June 2024. With every new death added to the toll, the anger that first pushed Kenya's young people onto the streets is deepening.
The spark was the Finance Bill 2024, a sweeping package of new levies that many young Kenyans branded “taxation without jobs.” As Members of Parliament (MPs) pushed the bill through its final vote on June 25, 2024, citizens erupted unlike anything the capital had seen since the 1990s. Thousands of protesters who had been mobilizing for days on social media, especially on X, converged at Nairobi's Parliament Building, breached police cordons and, in a brief, chaotic burst, occupied the debating chamber. Officers opened fire with live rounds, and by nightfall, at least nineteen people lay dead.
Rather than dampen the anger, the crackdown sent the movement surging across the country, and it was eventually dubbed the “Gen Z Protests.” Over the next five weeks, demonstrations flared in more than twenty counties, and rights groups tallied at least 60 deaths, hundreds of bullet wounds, and more than 600 arrests linked to the anti-tax marches.
Over the past thirteen months, the death count during the protests has risen in three clear surges. The first came in the weeks after the Finance Bill passed in June 2024, when police used live rounds to clear the streets. Amnesty International later confirmed that 60 people were killed and hundreds injured during that first wave.
The second surge came on June 25, 2025, exactly one year after protesters first stormed Parliament. Thousands of mainly young Kenyans filled Nairobi, Kisumu, and Mombasa, chanting the names of those killed the year before. Once again, the police answered with tear-gas, water cannons, and live ammunition. By nightfall, 16 deaths were recorded and more than 400 were injured, most with gunshot wounds.
Barely a fortnight later, during the Saba Saba marches, Kenya recorded its bloodiest moment yet. In its latest statement, the national human-rights body reported 38 people killed, more than 130 injured, and 532 arrests across seventeen counties. Among the dead were two children, including a 12-year-old girl struck by a stray bullet while watching television at home in Kiambu. Taken together, these three spikes push the protest death toll well past 100, including prominent blogger Albert Ojwang, who died in police custody in June. Nearly all the victims were under 30 years old.
“We can't feed our families, so we have to be on the street to stop the increasing prices, to stop the (police) abductions, and to stand up for our country,” said Festus Muiruri, a 22-year-old protester, to Reuters, in Nairobi. His frustration echoes across the social media channels which were used to mobilize thousands of Gen Z Kenyans for the Saba Saba marches and a string of street protests over the past year.
The anger driving these rallies runs deeper than a single day of bloodshed. The World Bank projected Kenya’s overall unemployment would rise to about 5.7 percent in 2024 as hiring freezes took hold. The picture is far worse for young adults. According to the Federation of Kenya Employers, youths aged 15–34, who make up 35 percent of the population, face an unemployment rate of about 67 percent, and more than one million of them enter the labour market every year, many without vocational skills.
Protesters say that anger over economic pain now blends with fear of state brutality.
For more information about this campaign, please go here.
Interior Cabinet Secretary Kipchumba Murkomen has described the protests as “a coup attempt” and urged officers to “shoot on sight” anyone who storms public buildings. President Ruto echoed this language days later when he told police to “shoot them in the leg.” Police spokespeople insist only “reasonable force” is used and say internal probes are underway, yet morgue records reviewed by reporters list gunshot deaths as road accidents or “mob justice,” raising suspicions of systematic cover-ups.
Parliament’s security committee chair, Nelson Koech, went further and said that Ruto’s order to aim for the leg was too soft and urged a “shoot to kill” mandate, branding protesters “criminals” who deserve maximum force. For bereaved families, the message is clear: when young Kenyans raise basic demands about jobs and taxes, the state responds with louder gunfire.
Rights groups echo that alarm. In a joint statement after Saba Saba, Amnesty Kenya, the KNCHR, and other watchdogs called the Saba Saba new fatalities “extrajudicial killings” and have demanded an independent inquiry, noting officers without nametags fired live rounds while arm-in-arm with unidentified plain-clothes men.
For many young Kenyans still organizing vigils for the dead, the struggle has shifted from street clashes to the ballot and to the meme-factory of the internet. Over the past week, the hashtag #WanTam, a Sheng play on “one term,” warning President Ruto he will serve only a single election term, has topped national trends and even slipped into global lists, turning protest grief into coded humor and rallying fresh supporters online.
Ruto insists the marches hide a coup plot, but opposition leaders led by former deputy president turned critic Rigathi Gachagua dismiss the claim. “Please, relax,” Gachagua told reporters. “Finish your term. No one is trying to remove you unconstitutionally; there is no leader plotting a coup, and none has the capacity.”
Even as rights groups press for an independent inquiry, families plead for answers and Gen Z organizers map out their next move to keep the pressure up, the state still meets their demands with batons, tear gas, and, increasingly, live bullets. Whether these next steps bring real reform or simply lengthen the roll call of the dead will depend on how seriously officials heed both the new graves spreading across the countryside and the hashtags burning on their screens.
~~End of Days~~
~~End of Days~~
There are four women in Diomaye Faye’s government compared to seven in former President Macky Sall’s
Originally published on Global Voices
A protest against the violence against women in Place de l’Obélisque (Obelisk Square) in Dakar, Senegal, on July 3, 2021. Photo by Fatou Warkha Sambe, used with permission.
Bowel Diop originally wrote this article as part of the Aspen Global Innovators’ Program, Impact West Africa Fellowship. This story is being republished as part of a content partnership agreement.
Throughout the world, regime changes often disproportionately affect women’s hard-won rights. Senegal, renowned for its democratic stability and progress in gender equality, is no exception to this alarming global dynamic.
“The size of your dreams must always exceed your current capacity to achieve them.” This declaration by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the Nobel Peace Prize winner and Africa’s first elected female president, has an ironic resonance in Senegal, where the recent, long-awaited political transition is already showing worrying signs of regression for women’s rights. Although Senegalese women have the skills, they are systematically excluded from decision-making positions.
In March 2024, Senegal saw a significant power shift, with Bassirou Diomaye Faye elected president and Ousmane Sonko appointed prime minister. This appointment raised hopes of a radical democratic turnaround and inclusive governance. However, these hopes were soon dashed as the proportion of women in government fell by half, officials renamed the Ministry of Women without consultation, and the new government failed to implement a gender equality action plan.
On April 6, 2024, I joined a WhatsApp group called Consultation: Women – Gender – New Regime, discussing the way the new administration will affect gender relations. The figures speak for themselves. Of the 30 ministers and secretaries of state appointed in government, only four are women, representing 13.3 percent of all ministerial positions.
The disillusionment is palpable on social media. The activist Amsatou Sow Sidibé posted on Facebook about “women’s declining presence” in government. On X, the Network of Feminists in Senegal argues that “the decision to remove the word ‘Women’ from the Ministry of Women gives us reason to believe the current state of affairs will only continue.”
Mr le Président @DiomayeFaye, comment compter vous tenir vos promesses de campagne sur les droits des femmes si le ministère de la femme est supprimé?Cette nouvelle dénomination est une véritable régression pour les droits des femmes et des filles. pic.twitter.com/lHLJzCFGXp
— Collectif des Féministes du Sénégal (@CollFemSn) April 9, 2024
Mr. President @DiomayeFaye,
How exactly do you intend to keep your campaign promises on women’s rights after dissolving the Ministry of Women? The new name represents a real regression of women’s and girls’ rights.
Image:
Poor government representation.
Jean Baptiste Tine: ‘Maintaining political stability and strong institutions at all costs.’
The Caucus of Women Leaders: This is the first time the representation rate has fallen to just 13 percent.
Senegalese sociologist Fatou Sow Sarr and others suggest a presidential team with a female vice president.
Senegalese sociologist Marie Angélique Savané launched a petition: The new name reduces women to mere childbearers.
On the list of government members published on April 2, 2024, Sonko appointed four women, in a largely male-dominated government landscape, to the positions of Minister of Foreign Affairs (Yacine Fall), Minister of Fisheries (Fatou Diouf), Minister of Family (Maïmouna Dièye), and Minister of Youth and Culture (Khady Diène Gaye).
By comparison, the government of former president Macky Sall, formed in October 2023, had seven women ministers, almost twice as many as the current government. This is a clear step backward in female representation at the highest levels of government.
This regression is all the more concerning as it follows the replacement of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Child Protection with the Ministry of Family and Solidarities. The decision sparked strong protests among Senegalese feminist organizations.
There is no shortage of competent women in Senegal who are already deeply involved in the country’s transformation. In higher education, there’s Professor Mame Penda BA (Director of the Laboratory for the Analysis of African Societies and Diasporas (LASPAD); in health, there’s Professor Fatimata LY (dermatologist and associate professor at the University Cheikh Anta Diop of Dakar), and in economics, there’s Thiaba Camara SY, (a renowned economist), to name but a few.
These examples epitomize women’s excellence. Their absence from the decision-making sphere indicates the system’s resistance to the structural transformation necessary for achieving true gender equality.
Their exclusion jeopardizes the progress made with Law 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, on full gender parity. Its objective was to support and enshrine the presence of women in all places that shape our nation’s future.
Women's role is not limited to reproduction and family care; we are more than just wombs and housekeepers. Our skills and aspirations transcend these stereotypes.
The situation in Senegal is part of an alarming global trend. The pattern is similar in developed and developing countries alike. Women are often the primary victims of conservative political changes, coming in the form of authoritarian regimes or governments that are less committed to gender equality.
This regression is never unintentional. It all starts with systematic mechanisms for women’s political and economic marginalization.
For more information about this campaign, please go here.
The impact is tangible. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), discriminatory social institutions cost Africa the equivalent of 7.5 percent of its GDP in 2019. Globally, the World Bank estimates the loss in human capital wealth because of gender inequality at USD 160.2 trillion — around twice the value of the global GDP.
Research from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) suggests that narrowing the gender gap in the labor market could increase the GDP in emerging and developing economies by almost eight percent.
This regression, successful due to society's passivity, has a profound impact on women’s rights, widening social and economic inequalities, and creating a less equitable society. A conservative rhetoric constitutes the basis for such regression, reducing women to the traditional role of unheard wives and mothers.
Faced with these growing difficulties, from challenging the right to abortion in the United States and banning women from singing in public in Afghanistan to reducing the percentage of women in decision-making positions in Senegal, taking a stand is the only solution. Our response must be threefold.
Firstly, organized monitoring through citizen observatories to monitor public policies on gender, document, and speak out about every setback.
Secondly, greater solidarity with women candidates for decision-making positions to build a network of leaders available for positions of responsibility.
Thirdly, concrete political action by boosting the use of social media to amplify excluded women’s voices and relentlessly pressure political parties to respect parity.
Coming together and speaking out to defend our rights and achievements has become crucial. As no country has ever developed or improved its citizens’ living conditions by excluding half of them, taking action isn’t an option but a necessity.
Only through ongoing engagement can we build a Senegal where all young women can dream of leading their country and actively participate in its inclusive and sustainable development.
A successful transition is impossible without women. Economic growth and peace are also impossible if half of society is left out. Action is of primary importance, not secondary.
We aren’t asking for political charity. We are calling for recognition of our credentials, skills, and the essential role we play in transforming Senegal.
We must unite with every setback, speak out with every unfair appointment, and make every excluded woman’s voice heard.
Our immediate duty is threefold: document every setback, support every competent woman left behind, and establish an inclusive political alternative. As South African activist and politician Mbali Ntuli said, “We don’t ask to lead because we’re women. We ask because we’re capable.”
There are four women in Diomaye Faye’s government compared to seven in former President Macky Sall’s
Originally published on Global Voices
A protest against the violence against women in Place de l’Obélisque (Obelisk Square) in Dakar, Senegal, on July 3, 2021. Photo by Fatou Warkha Sambe, used with permission.
Bowel Diop originally wrote this article as part of the Aspen Global Innovators’ Program, Impact West Africa Fellowship. This story is being republished as part of a content partnership agreement.
Throughout the world, regime changes often disproportionately affect women’s hard-won rights. Senegal, renowned for its democratic stability and progress in gender equality, is no exception to this alarming global dynamic.
“The size of your dreams must always exceed your current capacity to achieve them.” This declaration by Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, the Nobel Peace Prize winner and Africa’s first elected female president, has an ironic resonance in Senegal, where the recent, long-awaited political transition is already showing worrying signs of regression for women’s rights. Although Senegalese women have the skills, they are systematically excluded from decision-making positions.
In March 2024, Senegal saw a significant power shift, with Bassirou Diomaye Faye elected president and Ousmane Sonko appointed prime minister. This appointment raised hopes of a radical democratic turnaround and inclusive governance. However, these hopes were soon dashed as the proportion of women in government fell by half, officials renamed the Ministry of Women without consultation, and the new government failed to implement a gender equality action plan.
On April 6, 2024, I joined a WhatsApp group called Consultation: Women – Gender – New Regime, discussing the way the new administration will affect gender relations. The figures speak for themselves. Of the 30 ministers and secretaries of state appointed in government, only four are women, representing 13.3 percent of all ministerial positions.
The disillusionment is palpable on social media. The activist Amsatou Sow Sidibé posted on Facebook about “women’s declining presence” in government. On X, the Network of Feminists in Senegal argues that “the decision to remove the word ‘Women’ from the Ministry of Women gives us reason to believe the current state of affairs will only continue.”
Mr le Président @DiomayeFaye, comment compter vous tenir vos promesses de campagne sur les droits des femmes si le ministère de la femme est supprimé?Cette nouvelle dénomination est une véritable régression pour les droits des femmes et des filles. pic.twitter.com/lHLJzCFGXp
— Collectif des Féministes du Sénégal (@CollFemSn) April 9, 2024
Mr. President @DiomayeFaye,
How exactly do you intend to keep your campaign promises on women’s rights after dissolving the Ministry of Women? The new name represents a real regression of women’s and girls’ rights.
Image:
Poor government representation.
Jean Baptiste Tine: ‘Maintaining political stability and strong institutions at all costs.’
The Caucus of Women Leaders: This is the first time the representation rate has fallen to just 13 percent.
Senegalese sociologist Fatou Sow Sarr and others suggest a presidential team with a female vice president.
Senegalese sociologist Marie Angélique Savané launched a petition: The new name reduces women to mere childbearers.
On the list of government members published on April 2, 2024, Sonko appointed four women, in a largely male-dominated government landscape, to the positions of Minister of Foreign Affairs (Yacine Fall), Minister of Fisheries (Fatou Diouf), Minister of Family (Maïmouna Dièye), and Minister of Youth and Culture (Khady Diène Gaye).
By comparison, the government of former president Macky Sall, formed in October 2023, had seven women ministers, almost twice as many as the current government. This is a clear step backward in female representation at the highest levels of government.
This regression is all the more concerning as it follows the replacement of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Child Protection with the Ministry of Family and Solidarities. The decision sparked strong protests among Senegalese feminist organizations.
There is no shortage of competent women in Senegal who are already deeply involved in the country’s transformation. In higher education, there’s Professor Mame Penda BA (Director of the Laboratory for the Analysis of African Societies and Diasporas (LASPAD); in health, there’s Professor Fatimata LY (dermatologist and associate professor at the University Cheikh Anta Diop of Dakar), and in economics, there’s Thiaba Camara SY, (a renowned economist), to name but a few.
These examples epitomize women’s excellence. Their absence from the decision-making sphere indicates the system’s resistance to the structural transformation necessary for achieving true gender equality.
Their exclusion jeopardizes the progress made with Law 2010-11 of May 28, 2010, on full gender parity. Its objective was to support and enshrine the presence of women in all places that shape our nation’s future.
Women's role is not limited to reproduction and family care; we are more than just wombs and housekeepers. Our skills and aspirations transcend these stereotypes.
The situation in Senegal is part of an alarming global trend. The pattern is similar in developed and developing countries alike. Women are often the primary victims of conservative political changes, coming in the form of authoritarian regimes or governments that are less committed to gender equality.
This regression is never unintentional. It all starts with systematic mechanisms for women’s political and economic marginalization.
For more information about this campaign, please go here.
The impact is tangible. According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), discriminatory social institutions cost Africa the equivalent of 7.5 percent of its GDP in 2019. Globally, the World Bank estimates the loss in human capital wealth because of gender inequality at USD 160.2 trillion — around twice the value of the global GDP.
Research from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) suggests that narrowing the gender gap in the labor market could increase the GDP in emerging and developing economies by almost eight percent.
This regression, successful due to society's passivity, has a profound impact on women’s rights, widening social and economic inequalities, and creating a less equitable society. A conservative rhetoric constitutes the basis for such regression, reducing women to the traditional role of unheard wives and mothers.
Faced with these growing difficulties, from challenging the right to abortion in the United States and banning women from singing in public in Afghanistan to reducing the percentage of women in decision-making positions in Senegal, taking a stand is the only solution. Our response must be threefold.
Firstly, organized monitoring through citizen observatories to monitor public policies on gender, document, and speak out about every setback.
Secondly, greater solidarity with women candidates for decision-making positions to build a network of leaders available for positions of responsibility.
Thirdly, concrete political action by boosting the use of social media to amplify excluded women’s voices and relentlessly pressure political parties to respect parity.
Coming together and speaking out to defend our rights and achievements has become crucial. As no country has ever developed or improved its citizens’ living conditions by excluding half of them, taking action isn’t an option but a necessity.
Only through ongoing engagement can we build a Senegal where all young women can dream of leading their country and actively participate in its inclusive and sustainable development.
A successful transition is impossible without women. Economic growth and peace are also impossible if half of society is left out. Action is of primary importance, not secondary.
We aren’t asking for political charity. We are calling for recognition of our credentials, skills, and the essential role we play in transforming Senegal.
We must unite with every setback, speak out with every unfair appointment, and make every excluded woman’s voice heard.
Our immediate duty is threefold: document every setback, support every competent woman left behind, and establish an inclusive political alternative. As South African activist and politician Mbali Ntuli said, “We don’t ask to lead because we’re women. We ask because we’re capable.”
Writer: Steve Englehart
Pencils: Herb Trimpe
Inks: Sal Trapani
The Hulk is captured by a bunch of weirdos in a submarine.
( Read more... )